World War II
World War II
Invasion of Poland
Battle of France
Battle of France
Nina Schenk Gräfin von Stauffenberg
Alfred Schenk Graf von Stauffenberg
Schenk Gräfin von Stauffenberg
Berthold Maria Schenk Graf von Stauffenberg
Graf von Stauffenberg
Franz-Ludwig Schenk Graf von Stauffenberg
* Valerie Ida Huberta Karoline Anna Maria
Schenk Gräfin von
Schenk Gräfin von Stauffenberg
CLAUS PHILIPP MARIA SCHENK GRAF VON STAUFFENBERG (15 November 1907
– 21 July 1944) was a German army officer and member of the German
nobility who was one of the leading members of the failed 20 July plot
of 1944 to assassinate
Adolf Hitler and remove the
Nazi Party from
power. Along with
Henning von Tresckow
Henning von Tresckow and
Hans Oster , he was one of
the central figures of the
German Resistance movement within the
Wehrmacht . For his involvement in the movement, he was executed by
firing squad shortly after the failed attempt known as Operation
* 1 Family name
* 2 Early life
World War II
World War II
* 3.1 Activities in 1939–1940
* 3.2 Operation Barbarossa, 1941
* 3.3 Tunisia, 1942
* 3.4 In the resistance, 1943–44
20 July plot
20 July plot
* 4.1 Assassination attempt
* 4.2 Execution
* 5 Assessment
* 6 Family
* 7 See also
* 8 References
* 9 Sources
* 10 External links
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Stauffenberg's full name was Claus Philipp Maria Justinian, followed
by the noble title of "
Count of Stauffenberg". He was born in the
Stauffenberg castle of
Augsburg , in the
eastern part of
Swabia , at that time in the
Kingdom of Bavaria
Kingdom of Bavaria , part
German Empire . He was the third of four sons including the
twins Berthold and Alexander and his own twin brother Konrad Maria,
who died in
Jettingen one day after birth on 16 November 1907. His
father was Alfred Klemens Philipp Friedrich Justinian , the last
Oberhofmarschall of the
Kingdom of Württemberg
Kingdom of Württemberg . His mother was
Schenk Gräfin von Stauffenberg, née Gräfin von
Üxküll-Gyllenband, the daughter of Alfred Richard August
Üxküll-Gyllenband and Valerie Gräfin von Hohenthal.
The titles "
Graf " and "Gräfin" mean count and countess,
Schenk (i.e., cupbearer /butler ) was an additional
hereditary noble title. The ancestral castle of the nobility was the
last part of the title, which would be
Graf von Stauffenberg
and used as part of the name. The Stauffenberg family is one of the
oldest and most distinguished aristocratic Catholic families of
southern Germany. Among his maternal Protestant ancestors were several
famous Prussians , including Field Marshal
August von Gneisenau .
On 11 November 1919, a new constitutional law , as part of the Weimar
Republic , abolished the privileges of nobility. Article 109 also
stated, "Legal privileges or disadvantages based on birth or social
standing are to be abolished. Noble titles form part of the name only;
noble titles may not be granted any more". After this, titles of
nobility were incorporated as part of a surname.
In his youth, he and his brothers were members of the Neupfadfinder,
a German Scout association and part of the
German Youth movement .
Stauffenberg in 1926
Like his brothers, he was carefully educated and inclined toward
literature, but eventually took up a military career. In 1926, he
joined the family's traditional regiment, the Bamberger Reiter - und
Kavallerieregiment 17 (17th Cavalry Regiment) in
Bamberg . It was
around this time that the three brothers were introduced by Albrecht
von Blumenthal to the poet
Stefan George 's influential circle,
Georgekreis, from which many notable members of the German resistance
would later emerge. George dedicated Das neue
Reich ("the new Empire")
in 1928, including the Geheimes Deutschland ("secret Germany") written
in 1922, to Berthold. The work outlines a new form of society ruled
by a hierarchical spiritual aristocracy. George rejected any attempts
to use it for political purposes, especially Nazism.
Stauffenberg was commissioned as a leutnant (second lieutenant ) in
1930. He studied modern weapons at the Kriegsakademie in Berlin-Moabit
, but remained focused on the use of horses—which continued to carry
out a large part of transportation duties throughout World War II
—in modern warfare. His regiment became part of the German 1st Light
Erich Hoepner , who had taken part in the plans
for the September 1938
German Resistance coup, cut short by Hitler's
unexpected diplomatic success in the
Munich Agreement . The unit was
Wehrmacht troops that moved into
Sudetenland following its
annexation to the
Reich as per the
Munich Agreement .
Although Stauffenberg agreed with some of the Nazi Party's
nationalistic aspects and had supported the German colonization of
Poland and made racist remarks regarding Polish Jews, he found many
aspects of the Nazi Party's ideology repugnant and never became a
member. Moreover, Stauffenberg remained a practicing Catholic.
Stauffenberg vacillated between a strong personal dislike of Hitler's
policies and a respect for what he perceived to be Hitler's military
acumen. On top of this, the growing systematic ill-treatment of Jews
and suppression of religion had offended Stauffenberg's strong
personal sense of Catholic morality and justice.
WORLD WAR II
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ACTIVITIES IN 1939–1940
Following the outbreak of war in 1939, Stauffenberg and his regiment
took part in the attack on
Poland . He supported the occupation of
Poland and its handling by the Nazi regime and the use of Poles as
slave workers to achieve German prosperity as well as German
colonization and exploitation of Poland. The deeply rooted belief
common in the German aristocracy was that the Eastern territories,
populated predominantly by Poles and partly absorbed by
Poland , but taken from the
German Empire after World
War I , should be colonized as the
Teutonic Knights had done in the
Middle Ages . Stauffenberg said, "It is essential that we begin a
systemic colonization in Poland. But I have no fear that this will not
While his uncle, Nikolaus
Graf von Üxküll-Gyllenband , had
approached him before to join the resistance movement against the
Hitler regime, it was only after the Polish campaign that Stauffenberg
began to consider it.
Peter Yorck von Wartenburg and Ulrich Schwerin
von Schwanenfeld urged him to become the adjutant of Walther von
Brauchitsch , then Supreme Commander of the Army, in order to
participate in a coup against Hitler. Stauffenberg declined at the
time, reasoning that all German soldiers had pledged allegiance not to
the institution of the presidency of the German
Reich , but to the
Adolf Hitler , due to the
Führereid introduced in 1934. As
such, he felt bound by this oath.
Stauffenberg's unit was reorganized into the 6th Panzer Division ,
and he served as an officer on its
General Staff in the Battle of
France , for which he was awarded the
Iron Cross First Class. Like
many others, Stauffenberg was impressed by the overwhelming military
success, which was attributed to Hitler.
OPERATION BARBAROSSA, 1941
Operation Barbarossa , the German invasion of the
Soviet Union , was
launched on 22 June 1941. During the idle months of the so-called
Phoney War , preceding the
Battle of France
Battle of France (1939–40), he had
already been transferred to the organizational department of the
Oberkommando des Heeres , the German army high command, which directed
the operations on the Eastern Front. Stauffenberg did not engage in
any coup plot at this time. The Stauffenberg brothers (Berthold and
Claus) maintained contact with former commanders like Hoepner, and
Kreisau Circle ; they also included civilians and social
Julius Leber in their scenarios for an administration
According to Hoffman (p. 131, 1988) citing Brigadier (ret.) Oskar
Alfred-Berger's letters, Stauffenberg had commented openly on the
ill-treatment of the Jews when he "expressed outrage and shock on this
subject to fellow officers in
General Staff Headquarters in Vinnitsa
(Ukraine) during the summer of 1942". Being interrogated after his
capture by the
Red Army on September 2, 1944, Stauffenberg's friend,
Major Joachim Kuhn claimed that Stauffenberg had told him in August
1942 that "They are shooting Jews in masses. These crimes must not be
allowed to continue". After his arrest in July 1944, Stauffenberg's
older brother Berthold told the
Gestapo that: "He and his brother had
basically approved of the racial principle of National Socialism, but
considered it to be exaggerated and excessive".
In November 1942, the Allies landed in French North Africa , and the
10th Panzer Division occupied
Vichy France (
Case Anton ) before being
transferred to fight in the
Tunisia Campaign , as part of the Afrika
In 1943, Stauffenberg was promoted to
(lieutenant-colonel of the general staff), and was sent to Africa to
join the 10th Panzer Division as its Operations Officer in the General
Staff (Ia). On 19 February, Rommel launched his counter-offensive
against British, American and French forces in Tunisia. The Axis
commanders hoped to break rapidly through either the Sbiba or
Kasserine Pass into the rear of the British 1st Army. The assault at
Sbiba was halted, so Rommel concentrated on
Kasserine Pass where
primarily the Italian 7th Bersaglieri Regiment and 131st Centauro
Armoured Division had defeated the American defenders. During the
fighting, Stauffenberg drove up to be with the leading tanks and
troops of the 10th Panzer Division. The division, together with the
21st Panzer Division, took up defensive positions near
Mezzouna on 8
On 7 April 1943, Stauffenberg was involved in driving from one unit
to another, directing their movement. Near Mezzouna, his vehicle was
part of a column strafed by Kittyhawk (P-40) fighter bombers of the
Desert Air Force – most likely from No. 3 Squadron , Royal
Australian Air Force – and he received multiple severe wounds.
Stauffenberg spent three months in a hospital in Munich, where he was
Ferdinand Sauerbruch . Stauffenberg lost his left eye, his
right hand, and two fingers on his left hand. He jokingly remarked to
friends never to have really known what to do with so many fingers
when he still had all of them. For his injuries, Stauffenberg was
Wound Badge in Gold on 14 April and for his courage the
German Cross in Gold on 8 May.
IN THE RESISTANCE, 1943–44
For rehabilitation, Stauffenberg was sent to his home, Schloss
Lautlingen (today a museum), then still one of the Stauffenberg
castles in southern Germany. Initially, he felt frustrated not to be
in a position to stage a coup himself. But by the beginning of
September 1943, after a somewhat slow recovery from his wounds, he was
propositioned by the conspirators and was introduced to Henning von
Tresckow as a staff officer to the headquarters of the Ersatzheer
("Replacement Army" – charged with training soldiers to reinforce
first line divisions at the front), located on the Bendlerstrasse
(later Stauffenbergstrasse) in
There, one of Stauffenberg's superiors was
General Friedrich Olbricht
, a committed member of the resistance movement. The Ersatzheer had a
unique opportunity to launch a coup, as one of its functions was to
Operation Valkyrie in place. This was a contingency measure which
would let it assume control of the
Reich in the event that internal
disturbances blocked communications to the military high command.
Ironically, the Valkyrie plan had been agreed to by Hitler but was now
secretly changed to sweep the rest of his regime from power in the
event of his death.
A detailed military plan was developed not only to occupy Berlin, but
also to take the different headquarters of the German army and of
Hitler in East
Prussia by military force after the suicide
assassination attempt by
Axel von dem Bussche in late November 1943.
Stauffenberg had von dem Bussche transmit these written orders
personally to Major Kuhn once he had arrived at
Rastenburg , East
Prussia . However, von dem Bussche had
Wolfsschanze for the eastern front, after the meeting with
Hitler was cancelled, and the attempt could not be made. Kuhn hid
these compromising documents under a watch tower of the
OKW , located
not far from the Wolfsschanze.
Kuhn became a prisoner of war of the Soviets after the 20 July plot.
He led the Soviets to the hiding place of the documents in February
1945. In 1989, Soviet leader
Mikhail Gorbachev presented these
documents to then-German chancellor Dr.
Helmut Kohl . The
conspirators' motivations have been a matter of discussion for years
in Germany after the war. Many thought the plotters wanted to kill
Hitler in order to end the war and to avoid the loss of their
privileges as professional officers and members of the nobility.
On D-Day , 6 June 1944, the Allies had landed in France.
Stauffenberg, like most other German professional military officers,
had absolutely no doubt that the war was lost. Only an immediate
armistice could avoid more unnecessary bloodshed and further damage to
Germany, its people, and other European nations. However, in late
1943, he had written out demands with which he felt the Allies had to
comply in order for Germany to agree to an immediate peace. These
demands included Germany retaining its 1914 eastern borders, including
the Polish territories of
Poznań . Other demands
included keeping such territorial gains as
Austria and the Sudetenland
within the Reich, giving autonomy to
Alsace-Lorraine , and even
expansion of the current wartime borders of Germany in the south by
annexing Tyrol as far as
Meran . Non-territorial demands
included such points as refusal of any occupation of Germany by the
Allies, as well as refusal to hand over war criminals by demanding the
right of "nations to deal with its own criminals". These proposals
were only directed to the Western Allies – Stauffenberg wanted
Germany only to retreat from western, southern and northern positions,
while demanding the right to continue military occupation of German
territorial gains in the east.
20 JULY PLOT
20 July plot
20 July plot Office at
As early as September 1942 Stauffenberg was considering Hans Georg
Schmidt von Altenstadt (de:Hans Georg Schmidt von Altenstadt), author
of Unser Weg zum Meer, as a replacement for Hitler. From the beginning
of September 1943 until 20 July 1944, Stauffenberg was the driving
force behind the plot to assassinate Hitler and take control of
Germany. His resolve, organisational abilities, and radical approach
put an end to inactivity caused by doubts and long discussions on
whether military virtues had been made obsolete by Hitler's behaviour.
With the help of his friend
Henning von Tresckow
Henning von Tresckow , he united the
conspirators and drove them into action.
Stauffenberg was aware that, under German law, he was committing high
treason . He openly told young conspirator
Axel von dem Bussche in
late 1943, "ich betreibe mit allen mir zur Verfügung stehenden
Mitteln den Hochverrat..." ("I am committing high treason with all
means at my disposal...."). He justified himself to Bussche by
referring to the right under natural law ("Naturrecht") to defend
millions of people's lives from the criminal aggressions of Hitler.
Stauffenberg, left, with Hitler (centre) and
Wilhelm Keitel , right,
in an aborted assassination attempt at
Rastenburg on 15 July 1944.
54°04′46″N 21°29′37″E / 54.079344°N 21.493544°E
/ 54.079344; 21.493544 (Site of 20 July 1944 Plot at Wolfsschanze
or Wolf\'s Lair) .
Only after the conspirator
Helmuth Stieff on 7 July 1944 had
declared himself unable to assassinate Hitler on a uniforms display at
Klessheim castle near Salzburg, Stauffenberg decided to personally
kill Hitler and to run the plot in Berlin. By then, Stauffenberg had
great doubts about the possibility of success. Tresckow convinced him
to go on with it even if it had no chance of success at all, "The
assassination must be attempted. Even if it fails, we must take action
in Berlin", as this would be the only way to prove to the world that
the Hitler regime and Germany were not one and the same and that not
all Germans supported the regime.
Stauffenberg's part in the original plan required him to stay at the
Bendlerstraße offices in Berlin, so he could phone regular army units
all over Europe in an attempt to convince them to arrest leaders of
Nazi political organisations such as the
Sicherheitsdienst (SD) and
Gestapo . Unfortunately, when
Helmuth Stieff , Chief of
Operation at Army High Command , who had regular access to Hitler,
backtracked from his earlier commitment to assassinate Hitler,
Stauffenberg was forced to take on two critical roles: kill Hitler far
Berlin and trigger the military machine in
Berlin during office
hours of the very same day. Beside Stieff, he was the only conspirator
who had regular access to Hitler (during his briefings) by mid-1944,
as well as being the only officer among the conspirators thought to
have the resolve and persuasiveness to convince German military
leaders to throw in with the coup once Hitler was dead. This
requirement greatly reduced the chance of a successful coup.
After several unsuccessful tries by Stauffenberg to meet Hitler,
Himmler when they were together, he went ahead with the
Wolfsschanze on 20 July 1944. Stauffenberg entered the
briefing room carrying a briefcase containing two small bombs. The
location had unexpectedly been changed from the subterranean
Albert Speer 's wooden barrack/hut due to it being a
hot summer's day. He left the room to arm the first bomb with
specially adapted pliers , a task made difficult because he had lost
his right hand and had only three fingers on his left. A guard knocked
and opened the door, urging him to hurry as the meeting was about to
begin. As a result, Stauffenberg was able to arm only one of the
bombs. He left the second bomb with his aide-de-camp, Werner von
Haeften , and returned to the briefing room, where he placed the
briefcase under the conference table, as close as he could to Hitler.
Some minutes later, he excused himself and left the room. After his
exit, the briefcase was moved by
Heinz Brandt .
When the explosion tore through the hut, Stauffenberg was convinced
that no one in the room could have survived. Although four people were
killed and almost all survivors were injured, Hitler himself was
shielded from the blast by the heavy, solid-oak conference table leg
and was only slightly wounded.
Stauffenberg and Haeften quickly left and drove to the nearby
airfield. After his return to Berlin, Stauffenberg immediately began
to motivate his friends to initiate the second phase: the military
coup against the Nazi leaders. When
Joseph Goebbels announced by radio
that Hitler had survived and later, after Hitler himself personally
spoke on the state radio, the conspirators realised that the coup had
failed. They were tracked to their
Bendlerstrasse offices and
overpowered after a brief shoot-out, during which Stauffenberg was
wounded in the shoulder.
Play media Site of Claus von Stauffenberg's execution in the
In an attempt to save his own life, co-conspirator
Fromm , Commander-in-Chief of the Replacement Army present in the
Bendlerblock (Headquarters of the Army), charged other conspirators in
an impromptu court martial and condemned the ringleaders of the
conspiracy to death. Stauffenberg, his aide 1st Lieutenant Werner von
Friedrich Olbricht , and
Colonel Albrecht Mertz von
Quirnheim were executed before 1:00 in the morning (21 July 1944) by a
makeshift firing squad in the courtyard of the Bendlerblock, which was
lit by the headlights of a truck. Death certificate (issued in
Stauffenberg was third in line to be executed, with Lieutenant von
Haeften after. However, when it was Stauffenberg's turn, Lieutenant
von Haeften placed himself between the firing squad and Stauffenberg,
and received the bullets meant for Stauffenberg. When his turn came,
Stauffenberg spoke his last words, "Es lebe das heilige Deutschland!"
("Long live our sacred Germany!") Others say the last words were:
"Es lebe das geheime Deutschland!" ("Long live the secret Germany!")
Fromm ordered that the executed officers (his former co-conspirators)
receive an immediate burial with military honours in the Alter
St.-Matthäus-Kirchhof in Berlin's Schöneberg district. The next day,
however, Stauffenberg's body was exhumed by the SS, stripped of his
medals and insignia , and cremated. Stauffenberg's family had already
fled the country.
Another central figure in the plot was Stauffenberg's eldest brother,
Berthold Schenk Graf von Stauffenberg
Berthold Schenk Graf von Stauffenberg . On 10 August 1944, Berthold
was tried before Judge-President
Roland Freisler in the special
"People\'s Court" (Volksgerichtshof). This court was established by
Hitler for political offences. Berthold was one of eight conspirators
executed by slow strangulation (reputedly with piano wire used as the
garrote ) in
Plötzensee Prison , Berlin, later that day. Before he
was killed, Berthold was strangled and then revived multiple times.
The entire execution and multiple resuscitations were filmed for
Hitler to view at his leisure. More than 200 were condemned in show
trials and executed. Hitler used the 20 July Plot as an excuse to
destroy anyone he feared would oppose him. The traditional military
salute was replaced with the
Nazi salute also known as the Hitler
salute. Eventually, over 20,000 Germans were killed or sent to
concentration camps in the purge.
Remembrance stone in Berlin/Yorckstrasse cemetery. Here the corpses
were buried and then moved to an unknown place.
52°29′24″N 13°22′02″E / 52.490035°N 13.367359°E
/ 52.490035; 13.367359 (Burial Site at Alter St.-Matthäus-Kirchhof
or "Old St. Matthew\'s Cemetery") .
Memorial at the
Stauffenberg memorial at the ruins of the Wolf\'s Lair , near
Stauffenberg memorial site in Altes Schloss in Stuttgart
20th anniversary memorial service
A German stamp of Stauffenberg and Helmuth James
Graf von Moltke in
commemoration of their 100th birthdays.
One of the few surviving members of the German resistance, Hans Bernd
Colonel Stauffenberg, whom he met in July 1944, as a
man driven by reasons which had little to do with Christian ideals or
repugnance of Nazi ideology. In his autobiographical Bis zum bitteren
Ende ("To the Bitter End"), Gisevius writes:
Stauffenberg wanted to retain all the totalitarian, militaristic and
socialistic elements of National Socialism (p. 504). What he had in
mind was the salvation of Germany by military men who could break with
corruption and maladministration, who would provide an orderly
military government and would inspire the people to make one last
great effort. Reduced to a formula, he wanted the nation to remain
soldierly and become socialistic (p. 503).
Stauffenberg was motivated by the impulsive passions of the
disillusioned military man whose eyes had been opened by the defeat of
German arms (p. 510). Stauffenberg had shifted to the rebel side only
after Stalingrad (p. 512). The difference between Stauffenberg,
Helldorf and Schulenburg — all of them counts — was that Helldorf
had come to the Nazi Movement as a primitive, I might almost say an
unpolitical revolutionary. The other two had been attracted primarily
by a political ideology. Therefore, it was possible for
throw everything overboard at once: Hitler, the Party, the entire
system. Stauffenberg, Schulenberg and their clique wanted to drop no
more ballast than was absolutely necessary; then they would paint the
ship of state a military gray and set it afloat again (p. 513–514).
At the same time, historian Peter Hoffman, who has written the
introduction to a recent republication Gisevius's memoirs on the 20
July plot, questions Gisevius's evaluations based on the latter's
brief acquaintance with Stauffenberg, misreporting of Stauffenberg's
actions, and apparent rivalry with him:
Gisevius met Stauffenberg for the first time in
Berlin on July 12,
1944, eight days before the colonel's last assassination attempt
against Hitler. . . . In view of Gisevius's own record as a
transmitter of historical information for which he had displayed
strong personal feelings, and in light of what is known about both
Gisevius's alleged sources and Stauffenberg himself, Gisevius's
account is at best questionable hearsay.
Gisevius disliked Stauffenberg. He sensed that this dynamic leader
would be an obstacle to his own far-reaching ambitions and intrigues.
In his book he mocked Stauffenberg as a presumptuous and ignorant
amateur. . . . Stauffenberg must have been informed of Gisevius's
background and it cannot have inspired his confidence. Gisevius was
understandably upset by Stauffenberg's attitude toward him. . . .
Stauffenberg seemed to regard him merely as an incidental source of
Richard J. Evans , in his books on the Third Reich,
covered various aspects of Stauffenberg's beliefs and philosophy. He
wrote an article originally published in
Süddeutsche Zeitung , 23
January 2009 entitled "Why did Stauffenberg plant the bomb?" which
states, "Was it because Hitler was losing the war? Was it to put an
end to the mass murder of the Jews. Or was it to save Germany's
honour? The overwhelming support, toleration, or silent acquiescence"
from the people of his country for Hitler, which was also being
heavily censored and constantly fed propaganda, meant any action
must be swift and successful. Evans writes, "Had Stauffenberg's bomb
succeeded in killing Hitler, it is unlikely that the military coup
planned to follow it would have moved the leading conspirators
smoothly into power".
Karl Heinz Bohrer , a cultural critic, literary scholar,
publisher, criticized Evans' views in an article originally published
in the Süddeutsche Zeitung, January 30, 2010. Although agreeing that
Evans is historically correct in much of his writing, Bohrer feels
that Evans twists time lines and misrepresents certain aspects. He
wrote of Evans, "In the course of his problematic argument he walks
into two traps: 1. by contesting Stauffenberg's "moral motivation"; 2.
by contesting Stauffenberg's suitability as role model." He further
writes, "If then, as Evans notes with initial objectivity,
Stauffenberg had a strong moral imperative – whether this stemmed
from an aristocratic code of honour, Catholic doctrine or Romantic
poetry – then this also underpinned his initial affinity for
National Socialism which Stauffenberg misinterpreted as 'spiritual
In 1980, the German government established a memorial for the failed
anti-Nazi resistance movement in a part of the Bendlerblock, the
remainder of which currently houses the
Berlin offices of the German
Ministry of Defense (whose main offices remain in Bonn). The
Bendlerstrasse was renamed the Stauffenbergstrasse, and the
Bendlerblock now houses the Memorial to the
German Resistance , a
permanent exhibition with more than 5,000 photographs and documents
showing the various resistance organizations at work during the Hitler
era. The courtyard where the officers were shot on 21 July 1944 is now
a memorial site, with a plaque commemorating the events and a bronze
figure of a young man with his hands symbolically bound which
Count von Stauffenberg.
Stauffenberg married Nina Freiin von Lerchenfeld on 26 September 1933
Bamberg . They had five children: Berthold ; Heimeran;
Franz-Ludwig ; Valerie; and Konstanze , who was born in Frankfurt on
the Oder after Stauffenberg's execution. Berthold, Heimeran,
Franz-Ludwig and Valerie, who were not told of their father's deed,
were placed in a foster home for the remainder of the war and were
forced to use new surnames, as Stauffenberg was now considered taboo .
Nina died at the age of 92 on 2 April 2006 at
Bamberg , and was buried there on 8 April. Berthold went on to become
a general in
West Germany 's post-war
Bundeswehr . Franz-Ludwig became
a member of both the German and European parliaments, representing
Bavaria . In 2008, Konstanze von Schulthess-Rechberg wrote a
best-selling book about her mother, Nina
Schenk Graefin von
He let things come to him, and then he made up his mind ... one of
his characteristics was that he really enjoyed playing the devil's
advocate. Conservatives were convinced that he was a ferocious Nazi,
and ferocious Nazis were convinced he was an unreconstructed
conservative. He was neither.
* Biography portal
* Assassination attempts on
* ^ Gerd Wunder: Die Schenken von Stauffenberg. Müller ">(PDF) (in
German). Retrieved 2008-02-07.
* ^ Kiesewetter, Renate. "Im Porträt: Claus
Stauffenberg" (PDF) (in German). Retrieved 2008-02-07.
* ^ Bentzien, Hans (2004). Claus
Graf von Stauffenberg-Der
Täter und seine Zeit (in German). Berlin: Das Neue Berlin
Verlagsgesellschaft mbH. pp. 24–29.
* ^ Zeller, Eberhard (2008). Oberst Claus
Graf Stauffenberg (in
German). Paderborn-Munich-Vienna-Zürich: Ferdinand Schöningh. pp.
* ^ Jones, Nigel (2008). Countdown to Valkyrie: The July Plot to
Assassinate Hitler. Casemate Publishers. p. 22. ISBN 9781848325081 .
* ^ Herbert Ammon: Vom Geist Georges zur Tat Stauffenbergs –
Manfred Riedels Rettung des Reiches, in: Iablis 2007 at
* ^ A B Housden, Martyn (1997). Resistance and Conformity in the
Third Reich. New York: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-12134-5 . page 100: "He
was endorsing both the tyrannical occupation of
Poland and the use of
its people as slave labourers"
* ^ A B Peter Hoffman (2003). Stauffenberg: A Family History,
1905–1944. McGill-Queen's Press. p. 116.
* ^ "Germans against Hitler. Who resisted the Third
Reich and why
did they do it?".
* ^ Peter Hoffman (2003). Stauffenberg: A Family History,
1905–1944. McGill-Queen's Press. p. 151.
* ^ "Claus
Graf von Stauffenberg," German Resistance
Memorial Center . 2009. (Retrieved 2009-12-28.)
* ^ Hoffman, P. (1988)
German Resistance to Hitler, Harvard
University Press, Cambridge MA ISBN 0-674-35086-3
* ^ Hoffmann, Peter "The
German Resistance and the Holocaust" pages
105–126 from Confront! edited by John Michalczyk, Peter Lang: New
York, 2004 page 110
* ^ Noakes, Jeremy Nazism, Volume 4, University of Exeter Press,
1998 page 633
* ^ im Generalstab
* ^ "Murphy in America in WWII Magazine". Americainwwii.com.
Archived from the original on 31 January 2009. Retrieved 2009-03-13.
* ^ Hoffmann, Peter (2003-10-03). Hoffmann (2003), p. 171.
Books.google.com. ISBN 978-0-7735-2595-5 . Retrieved 2009-03-13.
* ^ Stauffenberg: A Family History, 1905–1944: Third Edition by
Peter Hoffmann (2009)
* ^ 3 Sqn veteran Tom Russell states that: "operational records and
pilot diaries" for the other
Desert Air Force Kittyhawk squadrons
"shows them operating away from Mezzouna..." at the time. Tom Russell,
2011, "3 Squadron and the \'Plot to Kill Hitler\'" (Access: 23 April
* ^ Commire, Anne (1994), "Historic World Leaders: Europe (L–Z)",
Gale Research Inc.: 769, ISBN 978-0-8103-8411-8 , retrieved 2011-09-18
* ^ "Peter Hoffmann, "Oberst i. G.
Henning von Tresckow
Henning von Tresckow und die
Staatsstreichpläne im Jahr 1943" Vierteljahrshefte für
Zeitgeschichte Vol. 55, 2007, No. 2, pp. 331-364". Vierteljahrshefte
für Zeitgeschichte. 2007-04-01. Retrieved 2012-07-27.
* ^ "Review of 'Claus
Graf Stauffenberg. 15. November 1907–20.
Juli 1944. Das Leben eines Offiziers. by Joachim Kramarz, Bonn 1967'
by : F. L. Carsten International Affairs, Vol. 43, No. 2 (April 1967).
"It is more surprising that, as late as May 1944, Stauffenberg still
demanded for Germany the frontiers of 1914 in the east, i.e., a new
partition of Poland."
* ^ Martyn Housden,"Resistance and Conformity in the Third
Reich";Routledge 1997;page 109–110
* ^ Joachim Fest; "Hitler – Eine Biographie"
* ^ Joachim Fest; Hitler – Eine Biographie; Propyläen, Berlin;
2. Auflage 2004; Page 961; ISBN 3-549-07172-8
* ^ Knopp, Guido (2004). Sie wollten Hitler töten-Die deutsche
Widerstandsbewegung (in German). Munich: Bertelsmann Verlag. p. 263.
* ^ A B Eugen Georg Schwarz (1994-07-18). "20.JULI 1944-Das
"geheime" Deutschland". FOCUS (in German). 29/1994.
* ^ Fest, Joachim (2004). Staatsstreich der lange Weg zum 20.Juli
(in German). btb-Verlag. p. 280.
* ^ A B Hoffmann 1994 , p. 127: "Claus von Stauffenberg's brother
Berthold was hanged, resuscitated, and hanged again, several times,
and the hangings were filmed for Hitler's personal viewing."
* ^ List of members of the
20 July plot
20 July plot -July conspirators
* ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 4 December 2010.
Retrieved 11 August 2010. -Opposing Hitler
* ^ Hans Bernd Gisevius, To the bitter end. Houghton Mifflin
Company, Boston. 1947. Translation by Richard and Clara Winston.
* ^ Peter Hoffman, 'Introduction,' in To the Bitter End, by Hans
Bernd Gisevius. Da Capo Press, Philadelphia. 1998. Translation by
Richard and Clara Winston.
* ^ The Coming of the Third
Reich (Penguin, 2003), The Third Reich
in Power (Penguin, 2005) and The Third
Reich at War (Penguin, 2008)
* ^ – Reprinted; 10/02/2009, – Retrieved 10-08-2010
* ^ – Guide to Nazi propaganda
* ^ – Examples of Nazi propaganda
* ^ Of the monthly Merkur magazine
* ^ – Reprinted 13/02/2009, – Retrieved 10-08-2010,
* ^ Baigent, Michael; Leigh, Richard (1994). Secret Germany: Claus
von Stauffenberg and the Mystical Crusade against Hitler. J. Cape. p.
123. ISBN 0224035258 .
OCLC 31038327 .
* ^ Stauffenberg's eldest son has said, however, that the children
were told of the assassination attempt and their father's role in it
by their mother.
* ^ Quoted from Burleigh (2000).
* (in English) Baigent, Michael; Leigh, Richard (1994). Secret
Claus von Stauffenberg
Claus von Stauffenberg and the Mystical Crusade against
Hitler. J. Cape. ISBN 0224035258 .
OCLC 31038327 .
* (in German) Christian Müller: Oberst i.G. Stauffenberg. Eine
Biographie. Droste, Düsseldorf 1970, ISBN 3-7700-0228-8 . (First
* Hoffman, Peter (1995). Stauffenberg : A Family History,
1905–1944. McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 978-0-7735-3544-2 .
Translation of the German-language original, Claus
Stauffenberg und seine Brüder.
Roger Moorhouse (2006), Killing Hitler, Jonathan Cape, ISBN
* Wheeler-Bennett, John ; Overly, Richard (1968). The Nemesis of
Power: German Army in Politics, 1918–1945. New York: Palgrave
Macmillan Publishing Company (New Impression edition). ISBN
* (in German) Hoffmann, Peter (1998). Stauffenberg und der 20. Juli
1944. München: C.H.Beck. ISBN 3-406-43302-2 .
* (in English) Hoffmann, Peter (1994). The second world war, German
society and internal resistance to Hitler, In Contending with Hitler:
German Resistance in the Third
Reich (1994 ed.).
Cambridge University Press
Cambridge University Press . ISBN 978-0-521-46668-4 . – Total
* Burleigh, Michael (2000). The Third Reich: A New History.
Macmillan. ISBN 0-333-64487-5 .
Wikimedia Commons has media related to CLAUS SCHENK GRAF VON
* Timeline of Stauffenberg\'s life